A Sign of Change as Indonesian Soldiers Watch ‘The Look of Silence’

Jakarta Globe, Mar 08, 2015

‘Senyap’, or ‘The Look of Silence’. (JG Photo/ Yudhi Sukma Wijaya)

Jakarta. Legislators, historians and human rights activists have hailed a local military commander’s move to have his soldiers in Semarang, Central Java, watch “The Look of Silence” by award-winning American director Joshua Oppenheimer — a documentary on the state’s purge of suspected communist sympathizers that left up to 500,000 people dead.

Maman Imanulhaq, a legislator from the National Awakening Party (PKB), said the willingness of Semarang military commander to require his men to watch the movie marked “good progress” toward creating professional soldiers with a healthy respect for human rights.

“I’m sure that some of them will not agree with the movie, but by watching it we can see that they want to try to understand,” he said. “Hopefully, if they don’t agree then they can make another movie challenging it, not use violence or ban it.”

He expressed hope that the fact that military officers had embraced rather than shunned the documentary was an indication that there might be a willingness by the authorities to look into the widespread abuses committed by the military and state-sponsored militias during the purge that ran from 1965 to 1966.

The official narrative is that the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) sparked the whole incident by attempting a coup to take down then-president Sukarno. That story, though, has long been debunked by independent historians and rights activists as a cover for the military, led by Gen. Suharto, to stage its own ouster of Sukarno.

The military’s killing spree resulted in the deaths or disappearances of up to half a million people suspected of being members of the PKI — at the time the biggest communist party in the world after those in China and the USSR — or communist sympathizers.

Tunggal Pawestri, a right activist, welcomed the screening of “Senyap,” which looks back at the tragedy through the eyes of a relative of one of the victims, saying that could serve as a “gateway to discussion and reconciliation efforts” between the military and those it killed.

Oppenheimer, the documentary’s Oscar-nominated director, said he felt odd seeing photos of hundreds of soldiers in full uniform as if they wanted to go to war sit in front of a screen that was showing his film.

He said in a statement that the scene was surreal for him, but at the same time provided a ray of hope. He said he hoped that the well-recorded military involvement in canceling and banning the movie would not happen again.

Instead, he said, in the future the military should be actively involved in discussions and help answer questions during community events.

On the reconciliation process in Indonesia, he said that a solitary event of soldiers watching the documentary was not all that significant, considering the central government’s policy on human rights.

After half a century of impunity, Oppenheimer said he would not rush to conclude that reconciliation, a revelation of the truth, justice and rehabilitation for victims would take place just because of one screening attended by soldiers.

Bonnie Triyana, a historian, also doubted if making soldiers view the documentary would change the government’s approach to the massacre.

“This is good news. However, it’s too early to say whether it will affect the state’s policy on the 1965 killings,” he said.

Hundreds of soldiers in Semarang, attended the screening of “Look of Silence” on Feb. 26 in the headquarters of the district military command and ordered by the commander, Lt. Col. Taufik Zega.

“The screening was aimed at clarifying the intention of the documentary production, in order to avoid misunderstandings,” Central Java’s Diponegoro Military Command said on its website, although it stopped short of explaining what misunderstandings.

“The screening was part of efforts to examine facts about what actually happened in 1965, because many people have conflicting opinions in regards to what happened,” it added.

By watching the movie, soldiers were expected to be able to explain to the public the content of the movie and its connections with the Indonesian Military (TNI), when confronted about the issue, the site said.

“The Look of Silence,” which first screened last year, is a follow-up to Oppenheimer’s Oscar-nominated documentary “The Act of Killing,” released two years earlier.

While “The Act of Killing” explores the anti-communist pogrom by getting the perpetrators to re-enact their crimes, “Look of Silence” looks at the massacre through the eyes of its victims.

In 1965, Ramli was murdered as a teenager for his alleged support of the PKI. The film crew follows his brother, Adi Rukun, born 1968, as he meets and confronts Ramli’s murderers and their families.

When “The Act of Killing” was released in 2012, it was screened in secret in Indonesia, for fear of government retaliation.

“The Look of Silence,” though, premiered with a public viewing in Jakarta on Nov. 10 — National Heroes Day — last year.

Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has reaffirmed its support for the screening of the film throughout Indonesia, stating that it was a part of human rights education and national reconciliation.

Nevertheless, the movie has been met with rejection from some groups, such as the hard-line Islamic People’s Forum (FUI), whose members stormed the campus of Gadjah Mada University in Yogyakarta in December while a student organization was screening the film.

The screening of 'The Look of Silence' was held in the headquarters of the

 district military command, attended by the commander, Lt. Col. Taufik Zega,

 as well as chiefs of subdistrict military units under his supervision (Photo

courtesy of the Indonesian Military)

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Indonesian Soldiers Ordered to Watch ‘The Look of Silence’

Jakarta Globe, Mar 04, 2015

The screening of 'The Look of Silence' was held in the headquarters of the
 district military command, attended by the commander, Lt. Col. Taufik Zega,
 as well as chiefs of subdistrict military units under his supervision (Photo
courtesy of the Indonesian Military)

Semarang. Hundreds of members of the military command in Central Java’s capital, Semarang, attended the screening of “Senyap” (“The Look of Silence”) last week by award-winning American director Joshua Oppenheimer — a documentary movie on Indonesia’s bloody past of anti-communist purge, which has often been blamed on the Indonesian Military.

The screening was held about the same time that “Look of Silence” was awarded a Bodil Award from the Danish Film Critics Association for best documentary film.

The screening was held in the headquarters of the district military command, attended by the commander, Lt. Col. Taufik Zega, as well as chiefs of subdistrict military units under his supervision.

“The screening was aimed at clarifying the intention of the documentary production, in order to avoid misunderstandings,” Central Java’s Diponegoro Military Command said on its website, although it stopped short of explaining what misunderstandings.

“The screening was part of efforts to examine facts about what actually happened in 1965, because many people have conflicting opinions in regards to what happened in 1965,” it added.

By watching the movie, soldiers were expected to be able to explain to the public the content of the movie and its connections with the Indonesian Military, when confronted about the issue, the website added.

Indonesia’s anti-communist purge in 1965-66, during which at least 500,000 people were estimated to be killed, was led by the Indonesian Military, following a failed coup attempt by the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI), which has been banned since then.

“Look of Silence,” which first screened last year, is a follow-up to Oppenheimer’s Oscar-nominated documentary “Jagal” (“The Act of Killing),” released two years before.

While “The Act of Killing” explores the anti-communist pogrom by getting the perpetrators to re-enact their crimes, “Look of Silence” looks at the massacre through the eyes of its victims.

In 1965, Ramli was murdered as a teenager for his alleged support of the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI). The film crew follows his brother, Adi Rukun, who was born 1968, as he meets and confronts Ramli’s murderers and their families.

When “The Act of Killing” was released in 2012, it was screened in secret in Indonesia, for fear of government retaliation.

“The Look of Silence,” though, premiered with a public viewing in Jakarta on Nov. 10 — Heroes Day — last year.

Indonesia’s National Commission on Human Rights (Komnas HAM) has reaffirmed its support for the screening of the movie throughout Indonesia, stating that this is a part of human rights education and national reconciliation in the nation.

Nevertheless, the movie has met with rejection from some groups, such as the hard-line Islamic People’s Forum, whose members stormed the campus of Gadjah Mada University (UGM) in Yogyakarta in December last year while a student organization was screening the movie

The protesters mistakenly argued that the film promoted communism — a “known enemy of Islam” — and its return to Indonesia.

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GlobeAsia’s Man of the Year: Ahok, Indonesia’s Shooting Star

Jakarta Globe, Arientha Primanita, Jan 05, 2015

Basuki Tjahaja “Ahok” Purnama has redefined the country’s political
landscape and is now working to transfrorm Jakarta. (GlobeAsia)

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, popularly known as Ahok, has seen his profile among the Indonesian public rise meteorically. Now he has the task of proving himself a worthy leader for the capital city after the departure of his predecessor as Jakarta governor, Joko Widodo, for the presidency.

It has not been an easy path for GlobeAsia’s man of the year to sit where he is now. The native of Belitung, where he is one of the island’s roughly 30% of residents of Chinese descent, was formally installed as the 17th governor of Jakarta on November 19.

The former deputy governor finally took the oath as governor after political intrigue involving local lawmakers and protests from radical Muslim groups, who dislike the Christian taking charge of the Muslim-majority nation’s capital.

The inauguration marked a new milestone for Jakarta as he was the first Jakarta governor to be installed directly by the president and only the second – after Ali Sadikin – to be sworn in at the State Palace. The home affairs minister usually represents the president in inaugurating governors at their respective regional assemblies (DPRD) or at the ministry.

Ahok is a phenomenon in Indonesian politics not just because of his combative and outspoken style, which has drawn many supporters as well as detractors. He also represents a new milestone for inclusiveness since he is the first ever ethnic-Chinese governor of the capital and the first non-Muslim for 50 years.

The last non-Muslim governor of Jakarta was Henk Ngantung, who was appointed by Indonesia’s first President Sukarno in 1964. He lasted in office only for a year as he was swept out of power as a result of the tumultuous changes in the political constellation that engulfed the nation the following year.

While Indonesia is a Muslim-dominated nation, unlike many fellow Muslim countries in the Middle East or elsewhere in the world, the country is also a democracy, the third largest in the world. First is India, and then comes superpower the United States, which also has a long list of minorities serving as governors, including media darling Bobby Jindal, the 55th governor of Louisiana, an American Indian from the Republican Party.

This is a rare time for the Republican Party, typically more conservative than the Democrats, to host a figure such as Jindal. Like Ahok, the Louisiana governor is known as an outspoken leader who has pushed for comprehensive ethical reform that has required, among other steps, financial disclosure for elected and appointed government officials, an end to lavish lobbyist-funded meals and the prohibition of conflicts of interests in his battle against corruption.

Basuki Tjahaja Purnama, popularly known as Ahok, represents a new milestone
 for inclusiveness since he is the first ever ethnic-Chinese governor of the capital
 and the first non-Muslim for 50 years. (SP Photo/Joanito De Saojoao).

Never under Jokowi’s shadow

On December 22, GlobeAsia’s Arientha Primanita had the honor of an exclusive interview at Ahok’s office at Jakarta City Hall. Before sitting down to speak with this magazine, Ahok spent some time looking at the paintings of former Jakarta governors hanging on the walls of the reception room. He asked his aide where his painting was likely to be hung once he had completed his term as Jakarta governor.

The man who began his professional career in the mining industry in the late 1980s also asked where was the picture of his predecessor, Jokowi. He nodded when his aide replied that the painting of Jokowi was still in process.

“These paintings are really good. They all look like photographs. I think the painting of my face will be different than my real face,” Ahok said with a laugh.

Ahok will be governor of Jakarta until 2017, finishing up the term of the Jokowi-Ahok pairing which won election back in 2012.

Then remains the question of whether he will want to run for a second term, and whether the people of Jakarta will want to vote for him if he does. That will depend to a large degree on what he can achieve in the next three years.

Ahok had never been under the shadow of the popular former mayor of Solo in Central Java. While Joko was roaming the back streets of Jakarta, in his by-now famous blusukan style of governance, meeting people and getting to know the issues they face directly, Ahok was back at City Hall, coming to grips with the internal issues of the Jakarta administration.

Jakarta Governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama
 and his deputy, Djarot Saiful Hidayat, at City
 Hall on Wednesday. (Antara Photo/
Andika Wahyu)

 Now, with newly installed deputy governor Djarot Saiful Hidayat in tow, Ahok still chooses to remain in his office in the main building of City Hall to receive guests, do his paperwork, lead meetings as well as make sure that all of the apparatus of the city is working properly.

Ahok deals with conflict in his own way, not like the calm and measured Jokowi. It is not unusual for the new governor’s hot-headed style to emerge in video footage in the news or on YouTube and sometimes his harsh comments draw an angry response from his opponents, including lawmakers.

Luhut Panjaitan, a former three-star general who is a close adviser to Jokowi, believes this is just the type of leader that Jakarta needs. “I don’t care about the issue of descent, religion or his style. Even if it was a ghost, but could get things done, I would choose it,” he said.

Jakarta has never been an easy city to govern. For many years, the public has been frustrated by the slow progress of development in a city famous for its legendary traffic jams, regular floods and messy spatial planning. At the same time the city is the business and financial hub of the nation, as well as the capital city.

Luhut said his sentiments reflect the frustration of the people of Jakarta, who have long dreamed about a firm leader who can introduce breakthroughs and create order in a city that should be the showpiece of the nation. “Ahok can provide such hope even without Jokowi at his side in Jakarta,” he said.

Asked about the status of his relationship with Jokowi, Ahok smiled and said he is a lucky governor as he has the Indonesian president as his good friend. He recalled traveling with Jokowi after he became president, when he was asked to join Joko on a visit to Kupang in East Nusa Tenggara on December 19.

Jokowi asked him to sit beside him in the presidential airplane on the journey. They discussed many things and caught up with each other’s news. Ahok said he believed that his close ties with the president, with whom he shared an office for two years, will bring benefits to Jakarta.

When he was deputy governor, he was one of the people who pushed Jokowi to run for the presidency. The problems of Jakarta could not be solved by any governor, but required a concerted effort from the central government and the surrounding provinces, he argued. “Now I have the president’s backing, I can just call him and report on what I need.”

Cleaning up the bureaucracy

Born in Manggar, East Belitung on June 29, 1966, Ahok began his career in politics as a regional legislator in East Belitung in 2004, then won election as the district head in 2005. It was there that he developed a reputation as a tough, action-oriented leader. The skills he learned there will be essential if he is to succeed in Jakarta.

He told GlobeAsia that Jakarta’s monumental traffic jams and severe flooding remain his main priorities for 2015. Getting officials to work is another priority: As might be expected, Ahok is no less firm than Jokowi when it comes to non-performing public officials. The former Solo mayor kicked aside the former head of the city’s Public Works Agency, Manggas Rudy Siahaan, for not performing well.

Ahok has also been very outspoken in pushing for improvement in the bureaucracy. He announced at the end of 2014 that he would purge more than a thousand officials. His aim is to see Jakarta’s roughly 72,000 civil servants working hard. There will be transparent selections for promotions and he plans to replace around 3,000 officials with new faces.

“There will be frictions because of this in 2015, but I am sure in 2016 our bureaucracy will run smoothly,” he said. On a more positive note as far as the officials are concerned, salaries of civil servants will increase to encourage them to provide improved services to the people. Urban ward chiefs, known as ‘lurah’ will get salaries of Rp25 million per month, recognizing their role as the leading edge of public services.

His other main priorities include better welfare, education and healthcare programs. “Our goal is to make your brain, stomach and wallet full. That’s what we want to do,” Ahok said, adding that he considered himself the chief servant of the Jakarta public.

As part of his programs to make Jakarta a better place to live, he has launched a smart city program that will accommodate and monitor reports and complaints from the public and then follow up on them. The program includes six dimensions: economy, mobility, environment, humanity, livelihood and administration.

The Jakarta administration also plans to install 4,000 closed-circuit television (CCTV) cameras in every corner of the capital city, starting with 2,500 units this year. This will make it easier to monitor the roads and rivers and his subordinates. Jakarta citizens are also expected to contribute and access the information via smartphones.

Deputy Governor Djarot will get out on the road to carry on Jokowi’s blusukan style and meet people. Ahok has no concern that the former Blitar mayor’s popularity might eclipse his own. “The most important thing is we complete our mission for Jakarta. If Jakarta people think Djarot is better than me, it’s good. I get a better deputy governor than I was,” he said.

Can he survive?

While GlobeAsia talked to Governor Ahok, a noisy protest was taking place in front of City Hall on Jl. Medan Merdeka Selatan. Dozens of protestors, led by organizers shouting their complaints through loudspeakers opposing his policy on banning motorcycles from Jakarta’s main thoroughfares of Jl. Medan Merdeka Barat and Jl. MH Thamrin, designed to ease traffic congestion in the area.

The protestors were mainly motorcycle taxi drivers, known locally as “ojek,” from the Jakarta Transportation Front, or FrontJak. They slammed Ahok for hurting their incomes due to the ban, which is still in its trial stage.

Babak, the FrontJak coordinator, said the policy had hurt ojek drivers’ incomes. “There are more people buying cars. Does Ahok dare to forbid cars to pass? Why does he ban motorcycles and make ojek drivers’ lives miserable,” said the angry ojek driver.

Ahok and his blunt style has also been the target of regular protests from the hard-line Islamic Defenders’ Front (FPI). While they say they oppose him because he is a Christian, they are also believed to be unwilling to accept him because of his Chinese ethnicity.

Salim bin Umar Alatas, the head of FPI’s Jakarta branch, has said Ahok is too arrogant to be a public official, and has called him “an enemy of Islam.”

The group’s protests included attacks on the Jakarta Regional Assembly (DPRD), calling for its members to oppose Ahok’s installation as governor. In early December, the FPI nominated Fahrurrozi Ishaq, a teacher of the Koran and FPI member, as their own ‘shadow’ Jakarta governor.

Criticism has also come from regional lawmakers. Johnny Simanjuntak, a member of the DPRD from Jokowi’s party, the Indonesian Democratic Party of Struggle (PDI-P), criticized him for being too frank, saying that the governor’s abrasive style had caused a stir in the city administration, but there had not been much change in the quality of services to the public.

He pointed out that many of Jakarta’s programs are not executed well, including flood and traffic management, because directions from top officials don’t make it as far as lower-level employees on the ground.

Ahok told GlobeAsia he acknowledged the criticism but said he would not change his style. His main focus, he said, is to do his best as governor and serve the people of Jakarta.

“I can handle criticism. The only thing they (the protestors) can do is not elect me for the next term. So I am focusing on my remaining three years so I can prove to them that I did something,” he said with a smile.

“I don’t ever think about my image. What’s in my heart and what comes out of my mouth are the same. Do you need someone with substance or someone with a polished skin?” he asked. Yet he indicated that some of the barbs have got to him.

“The only problem is that people out there still cannot accept the fact that I, with slanted eyes and a Christian, can be governor.”

“Most importantly, don’t oppose me just because I’m a Chinese-Christian, that’s not fair. Judge me for my work,” he said, adding that he is accustomed to tough times. He was conceived in a heated environment when the crisis over the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) broke in 1965.

Popularity was never the aim of the geological engineering graduate. He intends to be himself, warts and all.  “Once you become a public official, it is tiring if you play a role to maintain a good image. One day your true character will be discovered. I never pretend about who I am. I have always been like this.”

His aide Sakti Budiono is perfectly happy with Ahok’s leadership skills. His boss does not beat around the bush and knows exactly what he has in his mind. “He lets us work with our own creativity and improvisation as long as we get the job done,” said Sakti.

A future leader of Indonesia?

While the leadership race ended in July with the victory of Jokowi, many have speculated that Ahok could be Indonesia’s next leader. Ahok did not deny his ambition to become president.

“The best way to improve our country is by being president. If there are better people than me, than I would not run but if there is no better person then why shouldn’t I run for the sake of this country,” he said.

Ahok, who once planned to flee to Canada after the anti-Chinese riots of 1998, said Indonesia remains a democracy. The people, he said, represent a power that cannot be overlooked and he strongly believes that Jokowi will be able to guard democracy. As for his own prospects of future high public office, Ahok said that is a matter of fate. “In Islam, we say Wallahualam” – it all depends on God’s will.

Turning philosophical, he added that nobody knows what will happen in their lives. His own life, becoming Jakarta governor with only a limited political background, and that of Jokowi, who shot to the presidency, showed how life can bring surprises.

“We don’t know about our lives and when we will die. We just do what we can do best. For me, at least I can have a painting of my photograph hanging in City Hall,” he said with a laugh.

One of the obstacles to further office is his lack of party backing. He said he’s relieved to have quit the Greater Indonesia Movement (Gerindra) of losing presidential candidate Prabowo Subianto, which had supported the Jokowi-Ahok ticket for the race for governor against the pairing of incumbent Fauzi Bowo and Nachrowi Ramli.

Now, he said, he has more time to work and does not need to attend any political party events, which in the past meant he had to work during the weekends. Running for president in the future is a long way away, and who knows what could happen in that time.

With additional reporting by Muhamad Al Azhari

GlobeAsia’s cover January 2015

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Book offers new hope for rights violations victims

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta | Fri, 04/16/2010

Running things: Saskia E. Wieringa (second right) poses with former
 Indonesian Women’s Movement (Gerwani) activists (from left) Pudjiati, 84,
 Lestari, 79, and Sri Sulistiawati, 70, at the launch of her book in Jakarta on
Thursday about the destruction of the women’s movement following the
anti-communist purge. JP/Nurhayati

For decades, the song Genjer-genjer sent shivers down the spines of those who heard it, especially listeners born in the 1980s.

The song, which told the story of the genjer (lettuce) plant that gained popularity during times of extreme poverty due to its abundance amid high food prices, is for many synonymous with memories of generals slain during a political tragedy in 1965 and depicted in a propaganda film, Pemberontakan G30S PKI (September 30 Coup by the Indonesian Communist Party).

Genjer-genjer was said to have been one of the party’s propaganda songs and was played in the film, which graphically detailed scenes of torture allegedly committed by PKI members.

However, on Thursday, cheers accompanied the song, which was belted out by four women, the oldest more than 80 years old.

They were singing at the launch of a book titled Penghancuran Gerakan Perempuan: Politik Seksual di Indonesia Pascakejatuhan PKI (The Destruction of the Women’s Movement: Sexual Politics in Indonesia after the Indonesian Communist Party Downfall), penned by Saskia E. Wieringa.

Two of the women have been arrested and held in isolation in various locations as political prisoners because they were accused of being affiliated with Gerwani, the 1960s women’s organization, and the murder of six generals between Sept. 30 and Oct. 1, 1965. The two accusations were closely linked with the communist party.

“I was a reporter. I supported [then president] Sukarno. I wasn’t even in town when [the murders and alleged coup attempt] happened,” Sri Sulistiawati, one of the singers, said.

Nevertheless, she was captured, tortured with electrocution and held in a prison in Bukit Duri, Jakarta, for years.

The four women, along with perhaps thousands of others, continue to seek justice in the form of a state apology and clearing their names, along with that of their family’s.

Yoseph Adi Prasetyo from the National Commission of Human Rights (Komnas HAM) said that these people were victim of crimes against humanity.

To this day, the victims, along with their families, still experience discrimination and claim they are denied their civil rights.

The nation should reinstate their rights, apologize and make sure that this does not happen again, he said at the event.

Yoseph added that some of the victims had been denied ID cards and were ousted from their posts as civil servants.

There are no official reports on the number of people murdered during the consequent government uprising against alleged communists, but estimates range from 500,000 to 2 million.

Komnas HAM established an ad hoc team to investigate the crimes and has worked on the task for two years.

“We have questioned at least 350 people. We are in the final stages of the draft report,” team leader Nur Kholis said. He added that the report would be sent to the Attorney General’s Office.

The book, which contains the stories of the women in Gerwani and others who were tortured due to alleged affiliations with the 1965 incident, will play a large role in the fight. “We will use it as one of our sources in the report,” Nur Kholis said.

Wieringa, a scholar at the University of Amsterdam, researched the women’s movement, the foundation for the book, from 1982 to 1985.(dis)

Oil and politics prove fatal mix for the people of West Papua

Genocide accusations and dire conditions call for urgent joint action.

smh.com.au, Greg Poulgrain, December 31, 2009, opinion

WHEN Indonesia officially became independent of the Dutch 60 years ago this week, Australia's role as midwife was crucial. The conflict that continued for four years in the East Indies after the end of the Pacific war stopped only when America threatened to withhold post-war aid for the Netherlands. Only three-quarters of the former colony - 5400 kilometres of islands draped like emeralds around the equator - became Indonesia because the Dutch crafted a partition to keep Netherlands New Guinea (now West Papua).

Australian diplomat Thomas Critchley, who died earlier this year, intervened when this delay threatened the first breath of the new nation. It was a difficult birth and West Papua was placed in the too-hard basket, where it festered until 1963 when Indonesian rule replaced the Dutch - and it's still festering today because West Papuans have never been accepted as equals. Since its inception, this problem has been unwanted on Australia's doorstep yet both Jakarta and Canberra agree that it must be solved to safeguard good relations.

When the Dutch did not leave New Guinea in 1949, the most disgruntled was the giant Rockefeller company Standard Oil. After its first taste of the territory's potential in the mid-1930s, Standard Oil wanted unfettered access. Before 1949, there had been Dutch rule in nearby parts of Indonesia for 350 years, but not in West Papua where only 5 per cent was under Dutch control. Because it was a foreign land of black-skinned people, not all Indonesian nationalist leaders wanted to include West Papuans in their new nation.

One of the Japanese agents who helped prepare the Indonesian Proclamation of Independence explained to me why he wanted West Papua included in the new territorial extent of Indonesia.

Speaking in his house in Tokyo, Nishijima Yoshizumi told me his wartime commander, Admiral Maeda, had personal control of the West Papuan territory during the war. Near the westerly tip oil was found, and in the central range an expedition explored the copper and gold deposit. Nowadays these resources are mined by the American company Freeport Indonesia, and its Grasberg mine is the largest producing gold mine in the world.

The large Sele oil field that was rediscovered in the mid-1970s - a record for South-East Asia in barrels per day - was the same Japanese oilfield used during the war. Of course, none of this information on natural resources surfaced when the Dutch handed over Indonesia in December 1949. Nor was it mentioned before Indonesia reclaimed the territory in 1963.

The territorial dispute over West Papua between Indonesia and the Dutch was very visible, unlike the Dutch struggle with ''Big Oil'', the name given to the major petroleum companies. In the 1950s, the Dutch government was in a hurry to colonise their long-neglected West Papuan territory and hoped the Netherlands New Guinea Petroleum Company would provide much-needed revenue, but it did not. It was comprised of 60 per cent American oil interests and Royal Dutch Shell (which sided with its American counterparts), and spent the 1950s deliberately not finding any oil - because they knew precisely where it was.

After 1963 when all Dutch inhabitants left New Guinea, it was arranged for Admiral Maeda to hold a concession over the ''undiscovered'' Sele oilfield, preventing all other exploration until the political climate in West Papua was suitable under president Suharto.

Some Dutch politicians were aware of the vast potential in natural resources. One of these was Joseph Luns, Dutch foreign minister for 17 years. When I interviewed him in Brussels in the early 1980s, he was NATO secretary-general and he told me frankly he had actually suggested that America and Holland together benefit from the West Papuan territory's great potential in natural resources. But the Americans had no intention of sharing and the blunt reply came back: ''We will (benefit), as soon as Holland is out.''

President Sukarno's anti-colonial campaign against the Dutch in New Guinea was supported by both the Indonesian communist party (PKI) and the Indonesian army. Millions of dollars came ''from an American source'' to fund the army's campaign against the Dutch in New Guinea, so I was told, at different times, by two former Indonesian foreign ministers. Military dominance in West Papua began in the 1960s and documents released under freedom-of-information from the US embassy in Jakarta in 1968 refer to the possibility of genocide occurring even then.

In 1983, I was sent by the London-based Anti-Slavery International to investigate reports that infant mortality along the southern coastline (where the army was rapaciously timber-felling) was 600 per 1000. Such a figure was unprecedented, but correct. More recently, among indigenous West Papuans, the incidence of HIV/AIDS is 20 times the national average, according to a Voice of America report last December.

Indonesia and Australia, neighbours for 60 years, need to work together to address accusations of genocide in West Papua.

Democratic reform will sooner or later end the impunity of the Indonesian army, but the dire conditions in West Papua demand an immediate halt to the army's territorial command.

Dr Greg Poulgrain is a lecturer on Indonesian history at the University of the Sunshine Coast. He is the author of The Genesis of Konfrontasi: Malaysia Brunei and Indonesia 1945-1965. 

Source: The Age

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Record-Keeper of the exiled and forgotten

The Jakarta Post, Jakarta, Wed, 04/26/2006

Sarmadji or Warjo, 78, lives alone in his small apartment
in Amsterdam (JP/Moch N. Kurniawan)

Sarmadji Sutiyo collects obituaries of the exiled and the outcast.

Since 1968 he has documented dozens of death certificates, letters and pictures of about 50 exiled Indonesians who died far away from their homeland, families and friends.

His endeavor has been heard by the politically exiled people, mostly those who live in Western Europe, where at least 100 people are spending the twilight of their lives alone.

Hence, every time an exiled friend died, friends or family would send a letter, sometimes with a death certificate, the picture and short obituary to Sarmadji's place in Amsterdam.

Sarmadji, known affectionately as Warjo to his friends, carefully keeps the documents in folders inside a clear plastic holder.

""Some of my friends also entrusted their books and papers to me, when they heard that I have a private library and documentation,"" Sarmadji told The Jakarta Post.

His small apartment could hardly be considered fit to live in. It looks more like a library that has a bunk bed filled with pile of books along the edges, and a kitchen.

He keeps some of the books and publications inside banana crates that make his apartment resemble a fruit warehouse.

In the library-cum-house, he has little red books in the original Chinese and in Indonesian translation. Sarmadji also has some publications by leftist organizations like the Indonesian Communist Party (PKI) or People's Cultural Institution (Lekra).

""I call this special collection a 'Monument to those who cannot go home',"" he said.

Sarmadji, 75, cannot go home because he went to study at a university in Beijing before the Sept. 30, 1965 tragedy took place. Previously, he was a government official at the Ministry of Education in Jakarta. His political activities in Indonesia was mostly related to PKI's youth arm, Pemuda Rakyat, which he joined in 1950.

After years in China, he moved to the Netherlands where he lives in his ""library"" alone.

He has named his library ""Perhimpunan Dokumentasi Indonesia (Indonesian Documentation Collection)"" or Perdoi. Assisted by his friend, Gogol Rusiyanadi, he has made a stamp for the library, an e-mail address (perdoi@gmail.com) and has started putting in the catalog thousands of the titles he keeps.

"I'm thinking to put more serious effort into the library, like setting up a foundation for this," he said.

So far, Perdoi has been largely financed by Sarmadji himself. However, he realizes that his collection is valuable, not only for him but also for the public. Many of the books he keeps are rare and important for academic research.

He can even claim his collection is the most complete library of the leftist thinking of Indonesia, for many leftist books and publications in the country were destroyed or held in locked vaults.

"Some of the collection was displayed during an exhibition at the Indonesian Embassy in The Hague," Sarmadji said, beaming.

A staunch supporter of Soekarno and a true nationalist, Sarmadji obviously feels proud to be recognized as a contributing Indonesian, if not by the state but by workers at the embassy.

Decades of exile from his own homeland have not faded his hope that someday he could come home as a respectable Indonesian citizen.

After his Indonesian passport was revoked in 1965, he kept a special passport for the citizenshipless. The passport allows him to go everywhere in the world except to Indonesia.

His hopes were high when then-justice minister Yusril Ihza Mahendra came to the Netherlands to make a first step toward reconciliation. But when no news ever came after the visit, he decided to register as a Dutch citizen.

""I was born before 1945. So the Dutch government told me I could have Dutch citizenship if I agreed to be called a Dutch Indies citizen. It felt like being back as a 'kawula', a servant to the Dutch government,"" he said.

But he really wanted to visit Indonesia, so he complied with the requirement; therefore, he can visit the country on a tourist visa.

He has no family in Indonesia except for his brother. He also has no income if he leaves the Netherlands, the government of which gives him decent pension from years of working as a glass cutter in a factory.

Speaking with him, one cannot feel how deep his sadness is, because he seems strong and happy.

But for years he has been doing the saddest work an exiled citizen could ever choose to do: Neatly saving stories of one lost friend after another, keeping track of those who died far away from home, all as an alien.

(Evi Mariani)

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Soeharto era comes to a close

Jusuf Wanandi Jakarta, The Jakarta Post

Soeharto died on Sunday after a series of illnesses since stepping down in May 1998. He achieved substantial development and improvements in Indonesia since he reluctantly took over from Sukarno. However, he destroyed his own achievements because he overstayed his time and effectiveness and became isolated, surrounded by sycophants, as so often happened with authoritarian rulers.

SOEHARTO JP/P.J. Leo

In 1965 he was a hero to many Indonesians when he outlawed the Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI), which tried to instigate a coup on September 30, 1965, and step by step removed Sukarno reluctantly. In the vacuum of power that ensued, a few hundred thousands members and supporters of the Communist Party were killed, and he did not do much about it.

He rehabilitated the economy that was in tatters due to Sukarno's negligence, and embarked on economic development, which after 20 years made Indonesia one of the tigers of Southeast Asia. However, he damaged his achievements afterwards when he practiced KKN (corruption, cronyism and nepotism). He encouraged bribes and corruption, and the society is still suffering from it today. His poor governance worsened the financial crisis.

In the beginning he did pay a great deal of attention to the farmers and did a lot for the poor through education, basic healthcare and family planning. But the crisis in 1998 erased most of the achievements, as unemployment, underemployment and poverty started to increase again.

He brought political stability following the upheavals in the late 1960s, but his increased autocratic ways became a renewed source of instability, local conflicts and rebellions.

In the end only his foreign policy was a success. He ended Konfrontasi, the confrontation with Malaysia, in August 1965 despite Sukarno's opposition. ASEAN was established in 1967, and with this, he placed Indonesia in a regional structure. He earned the trust of the other members, and as Lee Kuan Yew has acknowledged, it was the leadership of Indonesia that sustained ASEAN.

Despite being close to the West for economic reasons, especially early in his presidency, he managed to stay as free and independent as any non-aligned country. He got a lot of recognition from UN agencies such as the FAO and others.

What legacies has he left behind? He created a middle class which has made democracy a more viable political system in Indonesia, and paired with the decentralization that was introduced following his demise, Indonesia has been kept together following the upheavals after the crisis of 1997-98.

He created a more balanced foreign policy, which had become highly adventurous during the Sukarno presidency. This was more in accordance with Indonesia's free and independent principles laid down by the Founding Fathers, especially Mohammad Hatta and Sutan Syahrir. In other areas, he started well, but then it became disjointed because of his authoritarian rule and for staying in power for too long. He opened the economy, but he also introduced KKN into the system, which has become a curse until today.

He was unwilling to prepare a new generation of leaders, and as a result all the four presidents after him were not up to the task.

Soeharto's reign was indeed a very mixed blessing for the country and society. Our feelings for him are at best very ambivalent. On the one hand he was a hero, but he overstayed in his job and a created a lot of excesses that were unacceptable and could not be condoned. That is why strengthening state and society institutions should be our main focus in the future, and the country should no more rely so heavily on strongmen and charismatic leaders.

The writer is vice chairman of the Board of Trustees of the Centre for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS), Jakarta