Jakarta Globe, Thessa Lageman, December 16, 2013
The Dutch
Indies, 1945-1949. Only about 10 percent of the Indonesian population wanted
independence. These “roving gangs” needed to be stopped, but there was
definitely no war raging. At least, this was the picture created for the Dutch
by a successful propaganda war.
The
information given to the Dutch population at the time of the Indonesian War of
Independence was misleading, according to Dutch historian Louis Zweers. The
Dutch military communication service decided which photos and information could
be published in the newspapers. It proved to be a successful strategy.
The Dutch
believed that their soldiers were protecting the Indonesian population against
a few “long-haired terrorists” or “bandits,” instead of thousands of guerrilla
fighters.
They had no
idea that in fact a war was raging and that at least 100,000 Indonesians and
over 5,000 Dutch soldiers died in the years between 1945 and 1949.
Zweers, who
was born in 1948, analyzed thousands of photos and news reports from the war.
They had been lying untouched in boxes in the National Archive in The Hague for
decades, until in 1995 he received a phone call from an archivist.
“It clearly
had little priority,” Zweers recalled. “People didn’t want to know about it.”
He himself
had become interested in Indonesia at a young age, because of his grandfather
who had taken part in the military expedition in Lombok in 1894 and left him
his awards, photos and papers.
In
addition, the historian’s niece moved to Indonesia to be with her Indonesian
husband in 1951, at a time when almost all the Dutch left the country.
This
interest in the country resulted in the compilation of 20 books about the Dutch
Indies and Indonesia, and his Ph.D. thesis about the censorship of the news on
the Indonesian War of Independence.
Zweers
reached the conclusion that the battle for public opinion in the Netherlands
was equally important as the actual battle being fought in Indonesia. The Dutch
government wanted to maintain its hold on the colony and did everything it
could to convince the world that a “building mission” was going on, and not a
“combat mission.”
“The Dutch
military did the exact same thing recently when referring to the Dutch mission
in Afghanistan,” Zweers explained.
The Dutch
referred to the military activities in Indonesia as politionele acties , or
police actions, and the term has been used in the Netherlands ever since.
“This
veiled language was used to make clear that it was a justified, internal matter
to restore law and order,” Zweers said.
If people
knew that an actual war had broken out, the Netherlands would be even more
fiercely criticized by the Americans and British, he added. The picture that
was sent out would also have a big influence on the morale of the Dutch
soldiers’ families.
The 250
employees that worked for the Dutch military communication service in Batavia
therefore made sure the press zoomed in on the humanitarian side of the
conflict and legitimized the Dutch military action. This all went very
smoothly, especially after hiring American PR agency Swanson.
At the
beginning of the war, obedient journalists were allowed to visit certain areas
outside Batavia together with press officers. Journalists could also travel
inland by jeep without being accompanied, but this was extremely dangerous,
because of the various militias and the fact that being Dutch automatically
made them a target. Most journalists stayed at hotels in the capital and
attended the press conferences and receptions. One exception was Dutch war
correspondent Alfred van Sprang, who worked for United Press and disguised
himself as an American.
During the
last months of the war in 1949, when a fierce battle was being fought between
the Indonesian freedom fighters and the Dutch army, the press was denied access
to all areas of operation. Thousands of victims died in the jungles and
mountains of Java and Sumatra, but the Dutch still read stories about how their
army was helping to bring order in Indonesia. The newspapers frequently showed
photos of Dutch soldiers offering food and clothes to the thankful Indonesian
people.
“The
soldiers did things like this too, but photos of casualties did not pass the censorship,
because it would give an undesirable image of the war,” Zweers noted.
The
pro-government Dutch media did not attempt to break from the army press
officers’ censorship. The foreign press was more critical — and the army press
officers had a harder time convincing them that the war was a humanitarian
intervention. According to the Dutch press offices, foreign journalists were
biased and supported the Indonesian republicans.
Occasionally,
a letter from a Dutch soldier telling his family the true story of what was
really going on slipped through the cracks. Some of these letters were
published in the few critical, left-wing press. However, this did not cause
widespread outrage among the Dutch population. Zweers believes this was because
there were no photos published with those letters.
“There was
no visual proof of burned kampongs or civilian casualties,” he said. “Also,
most people believed the army when they responded by saying that these reports
were highly exaggerated.”
A war does
not exist without photos, and no photos means no impact on public opinion,
according to the historian.
“The same
goes for Syria at the moment. Only after photos of the gas attack were spread
did a shock wave hit the world and could voices be heard saying the chemical
weapons had to be removed from the country.”
Also, the
photos taken in the Dutch Indies were still black and white.
“Blood
doesn’t look as shocking in gray,” Zweers said.
“During the
Vietnam war, color photos and moving pictures were shown. You could hear the
cries of the wounded. That made a big impression.”
Nowadays
war photos are often taken with mobile phones and immediately posted on the
Internet.
Amateur photos were taken at the time in the Dutch Indies as well, but very few of actual acts of war. And most of those few photos were not found until much later — even up until now.
Recently,
an ex-marine who fought in the Dutch Indies between 1946 and 1948 showed two
photos that he owned of mass graves at Madura on Dutch TV.
One might
wonder what would have happened if there had been more press freedom and a more
critical coverage of the war by the Dutch press.
Would the
Dutch people and the 150,000 Dutch soldiers who were fighting against the
Republic of Indonesia have been more strongly opposed to this war? Zweers
believes the answer is yes.
“There
certainly would have been more protest in the Netherlands, as happened in the
United States during the Vietnam War.”
“However,”
he adds, “you never know whether the politicians and the military would have
listened to the public.”
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